
The ACR Blog admits that is not a big fan of former Rep. John Doolittle (R-Calif.). Mr. Doolittle may have gone to Congress with good conservative intentions, but somewhere along the line he seems to have lost his way. But this is not another piece about something unseemly that former Rep. Doolittle did, but rather about something that we believe he did not do.
1 In the interest of fairness to Mr. Doolittle, the ACR Blog wants to point out that we have seen no evidence tying him personally to
some2 of the earmarks that were received by municipalities located in his northern California congressional district.
On this subject: most conservatives don't like earmarks (pork barrel spending) for obvious reasons. On the other hand, Team Abramoff seems to have recognized early on that delivering earmarks for their clients by corrupting the appropriations process was a sure-fire way to retain those clients, and also an excellent excuse to charge them higher fees. Not only that, but when the "get-nots" saw what the "gets" were getting, the "get-nots" were certainly more open to being lured in as new clients. This is why Mr. Abramoff once famously referred to the Appropriations Committee as a "favor factory."
Fortunately for Team Abramoff, Kevin Ring had solid connections with a key House Appropriations subcommittee. First, a little background. From paragraph 15 of the
Kevin Ring indictment:
From in or about January 2003 through in or about January 2005, Representative 4 [Ernest Istook] served as the chairman of a subcommittee of the U.S. House of Representatives Appropriations Committee before which defendant RING's clients had pending and anticipated matters. As Chief of Staff, [John] Albaugh's primary responsibilities included oversight of issues relating to the subcommittee, including appropriations requests.
Now let's read paragraph 38 of the indictment:
38. On or about March 19, 2003, shortly after Abramoff spoke to Representative 4 [Mr. Istook], Abramoff sent an email to RING and other members of the lobbying team in which Abramoff told them that Representative 4 had "basically asked us what we want in the transportation bill" and instructed them to "make sure we load up our entire Christmas list."
Note that there is only mention of Representative 4 (Mr. Istook) and no mention whatsoever of Representative 5 (Mr. Doolittle). Referring to Mr. Albaugh's subsequent 2008 decision to
plead guilty to charges he arranged earmarks for "lobbyist C", Mr. Ring. Again there is no mention of Rep. Doolittle.
Roll Call reported:
In the wake of an admission by the top aide to then-House Appropriations cardinal Ernest Istook (R-Okla.) of exchanging earmarks for concert tickets and free meals, an analysis by Taxpayers for Common Sense found that clients of a Jack Abramoff associate received more than $16 million in earmarks in the fiscal 2004 transportation spending bill.
Oink oink - that's a lot of pork. But rather than look at the whole pig, let's just focus in on two cutlets.
When Team Abramoff relocated to Greenberg Traurig in January 2001, the City of Lincoln signed on as a new client and
Kevin Ring became their lobbyist. On July 9, 2002, the City of Elk Grove, Calif (also in Northeast California) filed a Registration form indicating they too were retaining Greenberg Traurig and hiring Mr. Ring as their lobbyist. Prior to this date, the City of Elk Grove had not seen fit to retain the services of a lobbyist. Did these investments "pay off"?
From
Roll Call:
In its analysis [of the FY2004 transportation spending bill], Taxpayers for Common Sense found that the Choctaw Mississippi Band received $1.4 million for a Choctaw Roads project; the city of Elk Grove received two earmarks, $300,000 for the Sheldon Road-State Route 99 interchange and another $960,000 for a “traffic operations center”; the city of Lincoln received four earmarks, $500,000 for expansion of regional buses, $1 million for the Lincoln Boulevard Improvement Project, $2 million for the Lincoln bypass-State Route 65 Ferrari Interchange construction and $250,000 for the Auburn Ravine Bridge.
Not a bad return on investment
3. But just as we cautioned our gentle readers to be wary of
assuming that a rogue staffer means a rogue boss, just because Mr. Ring once worked for Mr. Doolittle does not necessarily mean Mr. Doolittle bears responsibility for Mr. Ring's delivery of earmarks - even if the results did benefit entities in his Congressional district
4.
Indeed, Todd Boulanger testified last week in court that Rep. Doolittle was "cheap"; when pressed by defense attorney Andrew Wise, Mr. Boulanger further explained that Rep. Doolittle "didn't believe in spending money." While these statements were not necessarily intended to be delivered as compliments, the ACR Blog wants to acknowledge and applaud Mr. Doolittle for whatever actions he did take while he was in Congress to hold the line on federal spending.
So where did Mr. Ring's apparent influence with Mr. Albaugh come from? Again, from
Roll Call:
Albaugh, in fact, had worked for Istook since he was first elected in 1993, serving as his chief of staff from 1998 until Istook left office in January 2007.
From paragraph 7 of Kevin Ring's indictment:
From in or about November 1993 to in or about 1998, defendant KEVIN A. RING worked as a staff member in the office of a Member of the U.S. House of Representatives (Representative 5).
In other words, Mr. Ring and Mr. Albaugh both began their careers as House staffers in the same year (when the GOP was still a minority). Interestingly, in or around 1995, Reps. Doolittle and Istook would become two of the four co-founders of the Conservative Action Team, which would ultimately morph into the powerful
Republican Study Committee:
However, it [the RSC] was almost immediately [in or around 1995] refounded [after Newt Gingrich had shut it down] as the Conservative Action Team by Dan Burton of Indiana (the last chairman of the original RSC), Sam Johnson of Texas, John Doolittle of California and Ernest Istook of Oklahoma. The four founders alternated as chairmen throughout the next two Congresses until David McIntosh of Indiana became chairman in 1998.
According to Mr. Ring's indictment, "(d)uring 1999, defendant RING served as executive director of a Republican caucus in the U.S. House of Representatives." That would be the group cited above. While we cannot be certain, it seems reasonable to hypothesize that Mr. Ring and Mr. Albaugh developed a close professional relationship during these early years when they were both young staffers, with both of their bosses being co-founders of what would become a powerful GOP group. Their relationship seems to have endured long after the time Mr. Ring left Rep. Doolittle's employ in 1998, and thus the lack of any evidence to suggest Rep. Doolittle's direct involvement in these FY2004 earmarks coupled with him being "cheap" (in the words of Mr. Boulanger) makes it plausible that at least on this score, Rep. Doolittle comes out clean.
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1 There is always the possibility that additional emails and/or other evidence may come to light that will cause the ACR Blog to re-evaluate our assessment that Mr. Doolittle was not involved in the matters discussed in this post.
2 Emphasis here is on the word some.
3 Not coincidentally, after Mr. Ring left Greenburg Traurig and moved to Barnes and Thornberg, both the Cities of Elk Grove and Lincoln terminated their relationship with Greenburg Traurig and hired Barnes and Thornberg.
4 Earmarks
per se are not illegal of course, but the jury will decide whether the process of obtaining them via the "purchase of influence", as the prosecution alleges, is illegal.